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Inside DOGE: Elon Musk’s Bold Move To Rewiring Federal Thinking

Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

In the history of American bureaucracy, few ideas have carried the sting of satire and the force of reform as powerfully as Steve Davis’s $1 credit card limit. It is a solution so blunt, so absurd on its face, that only a government so accustomed to inertia could have missed it for decades. And yet, here it is, at the center of a sprawling audit by the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, that has, in just seven weeks, eliminated or disabled 470,000 federal charge cards across thirty agencies. The origin of this initiative reveals more than cleverness or thrift. It reflects a new attitude, one that insists the machinery of government need not be calcified. The federal workforce, long derided as passive and obstructionist, is now being challenged to solve problems, not explain why they cannot be solved. This, more than any tally of dollars saved, may be DOGE’s greatest achievement.

When Elon Musk assumed control of DOGE under President Trump’s second administration, he brought with him an instinct for disruption. But disruption, as many reformers have learned, is often easier said than done. Take federal credit cards. There were, as of early 2025, roughly 4.6 million active accounts across the federal government, while the civilian workforce comprised fewer than 3 million employees. Even the most charitable reading suggests gross redundancy. More cynical observers see potential for abuse. DOGE asked the obvious question: why so many cards? The initial impulse was to cancel them outright. But as is often the case in government, legality is not aligned with simplicity.

Enter Steve Davis. Known for his austere management style and history with Musk-led enterprises, Davis encountered legal counsel who informed him that mass cancellation would breach existing contracts, violate administrative rules, and risk judicial entanglement. Most would stop there. But Davis, adhering to Musk’s ethos of first-principles thinking, chose another route. If the cards could not be canceled, could they be rendered functionally useless? Yes. Set their limits to $1.

This workaround achieved in days what years of audits and Inspector General warnings had not. The cards remained technically active, sidestepping the legal landmines of cancellation, but were practically neutered. The act was swift, surgical, and reversible. It allowed agencies to petition for exemptions in cases of genuine operational need, but forced every cardholder and department head to justify the existence of each card. Waste thrives in opacity. The $1 cap turned on the lights.

Naturally, the immediate reaction inside many agencies was panic. At the National Park Service, staff could not process trash removal contracts. At the FDA, scientific research paused as laboratories found themselves unable to order reagents. At the Department of Defense, travel for civilian personnel ground to a halt. Critics likened it to a shutdown, albeit without furloughs. Others, more charitable, described it as a stress test. And indeed, that is precisely what it was: a large-scale audit conducted not by paper trails and desk reviews, but by rendering all purchases impossible and observing who protested, why, and with what justification.

This approach reflects a deeper philosophical question. What is government for? Is it a perpetuator of routine, or a servant of necessity? The DOGE initiative, in its credit card audit, insisted that nothing in government spending ought to be assumed sacred or automatic. Every purchase, every expense, must be rooted in mission-critical need. And for that to happen, a culture shift must occur, not merely in policy, but in mindset. The federal worker must no longer be an apologist for the status quo, but an agent of reform.

Remarkably, this message has found traction. Inside the agencies affected by the freeze, DOGE has reported a surge in what one official described as “constructive dissent.” Civil servants who once reflexively recited reasons for inaction are now offering alternative mechanisms, revised workflows, and digital solutions. One employee at the Department of Agriculture proposed consolidating regional office supply chains after realizing that over a dozen separate cardholders were purchasing duplicative items within the same week. A NOAA field team discovered it could pool resources for bulk procurement, saving money and reducing redundancy. These are not acts of whistleblowing or radical restructuring. They are small, localized acts of efficiency, and they matter.

Critics argue that these are marginal gains and that the real drivers of federal bloat lie elsewhere: entitlement spending, defense procurement, or healthcare subsidies. And they are not wrong. But they miss the point. DOGE’s $1 limit was not about accounting minutiae, it was about psychology. In a system where inertia reigns, a symbolic shock is often the necessary prelude to substantive reform. The act of asking why, why this card, why this purchase, why this employee, forces a reappraisal that scales. Culture, not just cost, was the target.

There is a danger here, of course. Symbolism can become performance, and austerity can become vanity. If agencies are deprived of necessary tools for the sake of headlines, then reform becomes sabotage. This is why the $1 policy included an appeals process, a mechanism for restoring functionality where needed. In a philosophical sense, this is the principle of proportionality applied to public finance: restrictions should be commensurate with the likelihood of abuse, and reversible upon demonstration of legitimate need.

DOGE’s broader audit, still underway, has now expanded to cover nearly thirty agencies. It is not simply cutting cards. It is classifying them, comparing issuance practices, flagging statistical anomalies, and building a federal dashboard of real-time usage. This is not glamorous work. There are no ribbon-cuttings, no legacy-defining achievements. But it is the marrow of good governance. As Aristotle noted, excellence is not an act, but a habit. The DOGE team has adopted a habit of scrutiny. And that habit, when instilled in the civil service, is a kind of virtue.

Here we arrive at the most profound implication. What if the federal workforce is not inherently wasteful or cynical, but simply trapped in a system that rewards compliance over creativity? What if, when given both the mandate and the moral permission to think, civil servants become problem solvers? The $1 limit policy is, in this light, less a budgetary tool than a pedagogical one. It teaches. It asks employees to imagine how their department might function if every dollar mattered, and to act accordingly.

In a bureaucratic culture where the phrase “we can’t do that” serves as both shield and apology, DOGE has introduced a new mantra: try. Try to find the workaround. Try to reimagine procurement. Try to do more with less. This shift may not register on a spreadsheet. It may not win an election. But it rehumanizes the federal workforce. It treats them not as drones executing policy, but as intelligent actors capable of judgment, reform, and even invention.

The future of DOGE will no doubt face resistance. Unions, entrenched bureaucrats, and political opponents will argue it oversteps or misunderstands the delicate machinery of governance. Some of that criticism will be valid. But what cannot be denied is that DOGE has already achieved something rare: it has made federal workers think differently. It has shown that even the most byzantine of systems contains levers for change—if one is willing to pull them.

The $1 card limit is not a policy; it is a parable. It tells us that in the face of complexity, simplicity is a virtue. That in the face of inertia, audacity has a place. And that in the face of sprawling bureaucracies, sometimes the best way to fix the machine is to unplug it and see who calls to complain. That is when the real work begins.

Sponsored by the John Milton Freedom Foundation, a nonprofit dedicated to helping independent journalists overcome formidable challenges in today’s media landscape and bring crucial stories to you.

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Federal Appeals Court Upholds $5 Million Penalty Verdict E. Jean Carroll Against Trump

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Gavel via Wikimedia Commons Image

On Monday, a federal appeals court in New York rejected President-elect Donald Trump’s appeal, ordering him to pay $5 million to advice columnist E. Jean Carroll.

The Hill reported, a three-judge panel on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit concluded Trump did not sufficiently show any claimed errors affected his rights or warranted a new trial.  

“On review for abuse of discretion, we conclude that Mr. Trump has not demonstrated that the district court erred in any of the challenged rulings,” the panel wrote in its unsigned opinion. 

Trump requested a new trial over allegations that the jury heard improper testimony and Trump was wrongly precluded from asking Carroll certain questions during cross-examination. 

The New York jury found Trump liable last year for sexually abusing Carroll in a Manhattan department store dressing room in the mid-1990s and defaming her by denying her story when she came forward during Trump’s first presidency. 

Steven Cheung a Trump spokesperson set to become his White House communications director, said in a statement that Trump will continue to appeal the verdict.

“The American People have re-elected President Trump with an overwhelming mandate, and they demand an immediate end to the political weaponization of our justice system and a swift dismissal of all of the Witch Hunts, including the Democrat-funded Carroll Hoax, which will continue to be appealed,” Cheung said in a statement.

“We look forward to uniting our country in the new administration as President Trump makes America great again,” he added.

In a separate case, a jury ordered Trump to pay $83.3 million in defamation damages for continuing to deny her story. 

Unlike many other court cases brought against Trump that have ended since he was re-elected to the presidency, Carroll’s cases continue, with the $83.3 million defamation appeal still looming.

Trump Reveals Plan To Pardon J6 Defendants On ‘Day 1’

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Elvert Barnes, CC BY-SA 2.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

Trump has big plans…

President-elect Donald Trump shared that he plans to immediately pardon “most” rioters accused or convicted of storming the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021 after his inauguration.

“It’s going to start in the first hour,” Trump told Time Magazine Thursday, during an interview for his feature as the publication’s 2024 Person of the Year. “Maybe the first nine minutes.”

However, Trump has remained vague on the exact details. More than 1,500 Jan. 6 defendants have been charged in connection with the Capitol attack, their conduct ranging from trespassing misdemeanors to assaulting police and seditious conspiracy against the U.S. government.

In court filings, many rioters have expressed they expect immediate relief once Trump returns to the White House. Their lawyers have asked judges to delay sentencing, trials and other proceedings as Inauguration Day nears. However, Judges have largely denied those requests.

Top leaders of the right-wing extremist Proud Boys and Oath Keepers, many convicted of sedition, face decades in prison for their roles in the riot, leading to questions about just how far Trump’s Jan. 6 pardons will go.

Prosecutors in court filings Wednesday argued to a judge that, although Trump’s pardons might erase the penalties for Jan. 6 rioters, they won’t “unring the bell of conviction.”

“In fact, quite the opposite,” Assistant U.S. Attorney Patrick Holvey wrote. “The defendant would first have to accept the pardon, which necessitates a confession of guilt.”

On Thursday, President Biden commuted jail sentences for nearly 1,500 people and granted 39 pardons, marking the largest single-day act of clemency in modern history.

Sentences were commuted for inmates placed on home confinement during the COVID-19 pandemic and who “have successfully reintegrated into their families and communities,” according to the announcement. The 39 individuals pardoned were convicted of non-violent crimes, the White House said.

“I will take more steps in the weeks ahead. My Administration will continue reviewing clemency petitions to advance equal justice under the law, promote public safety, support rehabilitation and reentry, and provide meaningful second chances,” Biden said.

Thursday’s pardons come as the president has faced bipartisan criticism for pardoning his son, Hunter, of felony gun and tax charges.

Democrat Presidential Challenger Signals He Would Accept Trump Cabinet Bid

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Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.) signaled Thursday that he’d be willing to serve under President-elect Trump when he returns to the White House.

“If there is a job that could help the country and that my skillset would be useful for. Anybody should consider that,” Phillips told NewsNation’s “On Balance.” 

“And if we come to a point where no Democrat will want to serve in a Republican administration, and conversely, we are limiting 50 percent of the universe of potential appointees and that’s what I am trying to overcome,” he added. 

Phillips, mounted a long shot bid against President Biden before dropping out in March.

The Minnesota Democrat consistently warned his party about not having a competitive primary process and urged both parties to try to better understand the needs of the American people. 

Phillips said last week that Trump has “become a significant historical figure in American politics” and that he built a movement “that, frankly, snuck up on most Democrats.” 

“I am not a big fan of the President himself, but I understand the MAGA movement,” Phillips said Thursday. “I understand why people are angry. I understand why this federal government needs to be reformed. But then do it with people with competency and integrity to do it.” 

Trump has announced a a number of candidates for his Cabinet and other administration posts since being declared the winner of the presidential race, including picking two ex-Democrats, former Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard and environmental lawyer Robert F. Kennedy Jr., to be his director of national intelligence and head the Department of Health and Human Services

SCOTUS Responds To Mark Meadows’ Bid To Move Election Subversion Case To Federal Court

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Duncan Lock, Dflock, CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons

In a significant setback for former Trump administration Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, the Supreme Court has denied his request to transfer his election subversion case from Georgia state court to federal court. Tuesday’s ruling means Meadows will face charges in Fulton County, where the case was brought by Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis. Since presidential pardons apply only to federal offenses, Meadows is now ineligible for a potential pardon, should one ever be considered.

As The Hill reports:

Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis (D) charged Meadows, President-elect Trump and more than a dozen others over accusations they unlawfully attempted to overturn President Biden’s 2020 victory in Georgia.

Refusing to hear Meadows’s bid to move courts marks a win for Willis, who has attempted to keep the defendants together for a singular trial in state court.

Trump’s election as president Tuesday has complicated that goal, however. His attorneys are expected to argue the Constitution prohibits Trump’s charges from moving forward while he is in the White House.

It remains unclear how any pause would impact the Trump allies charged alongside him. The trial proceedings already are on indefinite pause amid an appeal by some defendants seeking to remove Willis over her once-romantic relationship with a top prosecutor on the case who has since stepped aside.

What Does This Mean for Meadows?

Gage Skidmore from Surprise, AZ, United States of America, CC BY-SA 2.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

With this decision, Meadows has exhausted his options for moving the case to federal court. The implications are significant:

-Ineligibility for Presidential Pardon: Since his case remains in state court, a federal pardon would not apply.

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-Focus on State Jurisdiction: The case will proceed under Georgia’s judicial system, potentially influencing how other co-defendants approach their defense strategies.

What’s Next in the Georgia Election Case?

Meadows isn’t alone in seeking relief from the legal proceedings. Other co-defendants, also charged with alleged election interference, are challenging District Attorney Willis’ authority in the case. A critical hearing is scheduled for Dec. 5 in the Georgia Court of Appeals, where arguments will be heard regarding the removal of Willis as the lead prosecutor.

Trump’s victory will likely put the Georgia election interference case against him on hold, at least until he leaves office. However, attorneys for his co-defendants told Law360 that this is unlikely to apply to their clients.

Key Points to Watch:

-Outcome of Dec. 5 Hearing: If Willis is removed, it could reshape the prosecutorial strategy and impact case proceedings for Meadows and others.

-Potential Legal Precedents: The rulings in this case could set important precedents for how state-level cases involving federal officials are handled in the future.

Article Published With The Permission of American Liberty News.

Pennsylvania Supreme Court Weighs In On Mail-In Voter Debate

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In a pivotal decision on Wednesday, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled that voters whose mail-in ballots were rejected due to errors—including missing signatures, incorrect dates or absence of a required secrecy envelope—can still cast their vote on Election Day. The 4-3 decision ensures that these individuals are allowed to submit provisional ballots at their local polling places, provided no additional disqualifying issues arise.

The ruling originated from a case in Butler County, where two voters were denied the opportunity to vote provisionally after their mail-in ballots were rejected during the April primary for missing secrecy envelopes. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Pennsylvania and the Public Interest Law Center represented the voters, arguing that the county had misinterpreted the state’s Election Code.

Per Spotlight PA:

Justice Christine Donohue, writing for the majority, noted that the Republican litigants argued that in order to maintain election integrity, provisional ballots should not be counted, but said the majority was “at a loss to identify what honest voting principle is violated by recognizing the validity of one ballot cast by one voter.”

“If appellants presume that the general assembly intended to disqualify the provisional ballot of a voter who failed to effectively vote by mail in order to punish that voter, we caution that such a construction is not reconcilable with the right of franchise,” she wrote.

The American Civil Liberties Union of Pennsylvania and the Public Interest Law Center, which brought the case on behalf of two voters, celebrated the ruling as a victory.

“Today’s decision affirms that if you make a paperwork mistake that will keep your mail ballot from counting, you have the right to vote by provisional ballot at your polling place on Election Day,” said Ben Geffen, senior attorney at the Public Interest Law Center. “This reinforces the right to vote in Pennsylvania.”

This decision holds broad implications for voters across Pennsylvania, offering a contentious solution for those facing similar issues in future elections. However, there was notable dissent, including from Justice P. Kevin Brobson, who contended that the state’s Election Code explicitly prohibits counting such provisional ballots.

The ruling comes as Pennsylvania takes center stage in the 2024 election. Polls suggest a highly competitive race, with the latest RealClearPolitics average showing former President Donald Trump holding a slight 0.6-point lead over Vice President Kamala Harris.

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